The study carried out highlighted the prevalence of gender-based violence as a critical component in terms of entrepreneurial intention and the development of future plans. Although the codes frequently appeared disjointed in the discourse, the thematic analysis revealed deep and lasting implications for the health-disease process of women entrepreneurs.

The stories, as well as the opinions offered about the results, highlighted that different forms of violence, particularly sexual violence, were systematically used by armed agents as a tool of control and domination. Even in stories about third parties, it could be seen that these mechanisms served to perpetuate power and fear within the communities. The main consequences related to entrepreneurial intention and entrepreneurship were fear of interacting with others, anxiety about procedures due to mistrust in institutions, and symptoms such as unstable mood, difficulty concentrating, and sleep-wake cycle disturbances.

Regarding the use of sexual violence as a strategy during the war, the entrepreneurial women reported its use as part of torture, intimidation, and reduction to objects. Among the main consequences were “psychological trauma” and diagnoses of post-traumatic stress. However, the analysis of codes and categories made it possible to connect these individual experiences to the perpetuation of trauma and marginalization, especially during the promotion of entrepreneurship.

A cardinal result of the analysis of this topic was that these acts, described as “brutal”, did not occur as isolated attacks, but as part of a widespread and habitual practice. The effects of such prolonged exposure to violence included a wide variety of mental health disorders, physiological disturbances, and serious injuries. Precisely, when analyzing the determinants and barriers of the intention to open or join a business, these “health problems” occupied a central place. This finding is fundamental because it establishes that the perception of health is a key factor in the recovery and reintegration process of women.

Furthermore, in this topic, an important connection was identified between the health-disease process, gender-based violence, and the violation of human rights. The relationship between codes and categories revealed that stigmatization caused by the visible and non-visible consequences of the conflict exacerbated isolation. When asked about the impact of such isolation on their lives, women pointed out the difficulty in seeking and receiving help.

The data analyzed pointed to the need to address these issues with an approach that recognizes the complexity and depth of women's experiences. Additionally, the examination of experiences showed that interventions targeting trauma symptoms were the most common but did not foster a supportive and empowering environment for survivors.

Therefore, the integration of specialized and accessible health services as part of post-conflict aid and reconstruction programs could be established as an essential need. In addition, it must be ensured that these services are prepared to treat the specificities of trauma related to gender-based violence in contexts of armed conflict while, at the same time, being linked to initiatives external to the health sector. (Figure 2)

Regarding the impact of the armed conflict on the development of female businesses, the interviewees described significant repercussions, especially with regard to the creation and sustainability of businesses, as well as their participation in the local economy. In this sense, the analysis showed the impact on the economic and social participation of women, mainly in the context of the post-conflict.

The focus on entrepreneurship not only emerged as a result of the interviews but also emerged from the constructivist aspect of the analysis by linking mental health conditions to the daily life of women, fundamentally suicidal ideation as a result of hopelessness. Additionally, at a psychological level, a notable relationship could be observed between the health-disease process, the intention to undertake, and the cosmovision and symbolic aspects associated with the conflict, such as land, security, food, family, and home.

The interviewees outlined this relationship between the symbolism of the conflict and the health-disease process through the limitations and precariousness suffered, the discomfort generated, and the contradictions pointed out regarding whether entrepreneurship was a “way out” or not in the context of restoration and transitional justice. This vision, although frequently disconnected at a discursive level, showed the psychosocial and infrastructural envelope of salutogenesis and pathologies so that, even if the consequences were perceived as isolated, they were finally connected by the entrepreneurial women through the story.

One of the most palpable effects of armed conflict on women's businesses was the forced displacement of communities, which not only caused the loss of productive resources. As could be seen, the codes related the past and the future in the figure of displacements, with the collapse of existing enterprises as an “almost certain possibility”, despite the lack of data that supports this perception. Other similar irrational ideas were observed in connection with analogous processes.

Among the most mentioned limitations that still conditioned the lives of the entrepreneurs were insecurity and mobility limitations, as well as difficulties in accessing markets, suppliers, and resources necessary for their businesses. These conditionings were among the causes indicated by those interviewed to explain traumas and disorders. Likewise, these limitations were mentioned in relation to their perceived limited ability to make business decisions and manage their businesses.

In this sense, women entrepreneurs pointed out how generalized discrimination was one of the main effects of their association with the conflict. Through descriptors such as victim, ex-combatant, peasant, displaced woman, or others with a pejorative nature, women were not only forced to relive traumas, but barriers were imposed on their access to services and resources.

Among the most notable examples were limited access to financing and training. Some participants even acknowledged that, although there were support programs, this was their first experience. Among the reasons attributed, issues related to restorative and transitional justice reappeared, as the participants argued that, if they could not recover houses or land, they would not be able to access financing and training.

However, when asked about the benefits of the program for their general well-being, the women initially highlighted the strengthening of their entrepreneurial skills but also highlighted the importance of promoting new businesses and generating support networks through entrepreneurial ecosystems. According to the women interviewed, the benefits were palpable in terms of health, mainly by relieving symptoms of anxiety and depression, but it also helped them think about the future and rebuild their lives.

The verbalizations examined in this topic and the relationship between the categories placed barriers as a basic code, but whose importance is connected to the well-being of women through another code that is relatively isolated in terms of relationships, but cardinal due to its frequency and importance. In this regard, the results indicate the need to identify and eliminate the structural barriers that limit women's participation in decision-making and divide their fundamental rights, the latter aspect being central to the health-disease process. (Figure 3)

Despite the adversities imposed by the prolonged conflict, the women highlighted the importance of resilience as a fundamental pillar for reconstructing their lives and communities. In this sense, the women interviewed did not directly define resilience as a response or a capacity that conditioned the resulting improvement in the ventures. Instead, their narratives were marked by setbacks and a marked self-stigmatization process that reproduced the very stereotypes analyzed previously.

This advance allowed us to once again explore co-occurrences and assess that the perpetuation of trauma not only occurred at a social level but also from the women's own subjectivity. Therefore, it was assumed that psychosocial interventions could not be limited to the immediate needs of the victims through remedial approaches, but rather should promote empowerment processes as participants in the construction of peace.

When analyzing the causes exposed when assessing resilience from this perspective, past limitations were found related to education, social and community support networks, overexposure to social wrongs, different types of gender-based violence, and scarce opportunities for social reintegration. Therefore, resilience appeared more as a resistance behavior than as one based on emotional intelligence and the search for well-being. One aspect that was mentioned was motivation, which, in colloquial terms, was used to explain how the conflict and its consequences had acted on the determination to “move forward”.

As could be seen, the trauma was not only classified as psychological, but reference was also made to past experiences of the experiences of others, not only women. Therefore, among the successful initiatives in which they participated directly or heard about them, they included community activities to promote social cohesion, the development of leadership skills, and courses on rights and legal foundations. Although not all of these supports were specifically aimed at women entrepreneurs, they did value the strengthening of autonomy, active participation, and the promotion of a culture of peace and reconciliation.

This result was fundamental since its assessment indicates that a comprehensive approach must help rebuild the social structure damaged by the conflict, guarantee that women are not only symbolized as victims of the conflict, as well as support their transformation as agents of change. These ideas were confirmed when analyzing the representation of the topic, the consequences of systematic exposure to factors such as organized crime, the proliferation of informal markets, the production of illicit crops as a form of subsistence, the culture of violence as a way to resolve conflicts and marginalization were observed.

Finally, both in the saturation analysis and in the last interviews, it was possible to verify that the health-disease process constituted a fundamental determinant in the personal development of the female entrepreneur. Although the elements of health and disease traditionally conceived from the biological perspective were analyzed, the determination exercised by subjective, social factors and their own unique interrelation was also observed.

Two fundamental lines, both for their expression in symptoms and disorders, and for their relevance in the discourse and motivational structure, were the violation of human rights and the configuration of trauma. The importance of these two lines was that they facilitated the articulation of concepts from different fields, such as symptoms, symptomatology, fundamental rights, dignity, life projects, and resilience. This result was transcendental when understanding the biopsychosocial nature of the effects of conflict on women and, especially in their intention and entrepreneurial activity. (Figure 4)